The Care & Keeping of You
By: Shannon De La Cruz
Flipping through the pages of American Girl’s puberty book series for girls, The Care and Keeping of You, reveals an image of appropriate media-constructed girl and girlhood conditions. The iconic American Girl brand has a very intriguing history and the publication of puberty books for girls was catered to a very specific and hegemonic understanding of girls and girlhood. The wide consumption of this puberty book, which was originally published in 1998, was republished in 2013. The republication of The Care and Keeping of You was separated into two puberty manuals that were distinctly separated by age. The titles read: “the body book for younger girls” and “the body book for older girls.” The puberty manual for younger girls is marketed toward girls who are aged 8-10 and the puberty manual for older girls is targeted towards girls who are aged 10-13.
As one of the most sold puberty books for girls–stapled and published by one of the presumed pinnacle brands for shaping girls’ self-images and self-esteem, its impact must be important. In the academic article, A Rhetoric of Restrained Empowerment in American Girl’s Self-Help Books about Puberty, exclaim that these series of books are “intended to be a starting point for conversations between girls and their parents or other trusted adults” (De La Cruz, 2016, p. 198). The first page of the book begins as a “Letter to You,” essentially restating this point with the assumption that “discussing puberty is embarrassing for both girls and their parents” (De La Cruz, 2016, p. 198). So, it is for that very reason that this manual was created as the mediator between girls and their parents.
To kick things off, the assumption that puberty must be linked to embarrassment is slightly problematic. I would argue that people–hegemony–perpetuate this notion that normal bodily changes, physical and otherwise, are inherently embarrassing experiences for all girls. It makes us wonder in the first place, why are girls embarrassed about their bodies or why are they told to be embarrassed about their girlhood normalities? Well, first thing’s first, girls are traditionally viewed as consumers (Kearney, 2007), especially when it entails the shaping of one’s identity. So, it is safe to assume a girl who identifies as a fangirl is likely to consume and purchase media and products that pertain to the fandom, said girl, adores.
Kearney illustrates that the consumerist perspective “remains dominant in contemporary studies of girls’ media practices” (Kearney, 2007, p. 126), therefore, this mindset, when creating products for girls to consume, is that of the majority–hegemonic–framework of how to approach “tricky” topics for and about girls. An important note of the American Girl brand is that “the company was founded upon the idea that sexualized content is inappropriate for prepubescent and pubescent girls and that it is necessary and possible to intervene by creating toys and books without that content” (De La Cruz, 2016, p. 199). Firstly, the idea that girls’ innocence is tightly locked in with their purity/virginity, thus, their ignorance of sexual content, means that refraining from anything that can provide sexual consciousness would further perpetuate the sexualization of girls. Secondly, if girls are consuming media content that presumes and reiterates girls’ assumed embarrassment or self-consciousness about puberty and the bodily changes that they are or soon will experience, then the market for profiting off girls’ anxieties and everyday practices becomes apparent.
We must reflect on the failures of contemporary studies of girls’ media practices and how it caters to–a certain kind of girl’s–self-esteem issues as a gold mine for capitalism. Historically, it is evident that topics of girlhood studies have used research samples and have marketed products toward the accessibility and lifestyles of middle-class white girls (Kearney, 2007, p. 129). It is now that we can see young girls, regardless of class, race, or other socially-constructed identifying markers, are becoming the mode of impact for issues that impact young girls. Banet-Weiser's (2014) article follows the digital discourse of young girls on social platforms expressing their self-esteem and how these girls are found “within a self-identificatory gendered neoliberal brand culture” that “reproduce[s] an economic model of the successful white middle-class girl.” The benefits that capitalism receives, alone, from the gendered and hegemonic constructions of girls’ self-esteem cycles and amplification of those spaces are imperative to conceptualizing the historical and current targets on girls and girlhood; especially where its normalcy can be destructive for some girls (e.g. social media).
We must also take into account that girlhood studies and media studies have just barely scratched the surface when it comes to piecing together the complexities of experiencing girlhood whilst consuming media in a technologically advanced society, where so much of everything is out there to explore. The very existence of the “Am I Pretty?” videos is described as “an expression of body image anxieties that is enabled in a heightened way in digital spaces” (Banet-Weiser, 2014, p. 85).” This means that social media platforms already exist as a space where people can receive or give encouraging or discouraging messages, depending on the content discussed. Young girls who express self-esteem issues realistically may receive encouragement from understanding individuals or backlash from those, who likely benefit from the hegemonic idealizations of girls and girlhood, in the first place. Unfortunately, it’s quite unfair for social media to exist in this space that many girls venture to for support or escape from hegemonic expressions of girls and girlhood, only to be amplified and openly critiqued in a space that can impose the exact same limiting beliefs.
When looking back at the American Girl puberty books, I can appreciate that the minor sections on self-esteem are lighthearted and informative. The wording that is used also does not imply or suggest that girls’ feelings are irrational. Instead, they provide tips on how to gear a conversation with an adult when girls feel that their feelings have been misheard or misunderstood. Something I also found very appealing was on pages 70 and 71 of the American Girl’s puberty manual for older girls is the description and diagram under “Body Vibes.” The imagery of two girls, one exhibiting signs of positive self-esteem and the other of negative self-esteem, are shown, indicating that things such as slumped posture and meek-sounding voices may correlate to poor self-esteem in girls. I think that urging girls to take note of body language can do more good than harm for future reference-sake–it’s a great skill to initiate in girls’ minds.
Despite American Girl’s encouragement of this–a feature that is not present in the original publication of The Care and Keeping of You, a flaw in the representation of different types of girls still reigns supreme. I noticed this in two distinct ways: the body size and assumed racial identification of these girls. Both the racial and physical appearance of the girls illustrated in the American Girl’s puberty manuals are representative of some inclusivity, but, is it? As I flipped through the pages of all three books, it became clear to me that the physical appearances of these girls resembled that of the normative beauty standard, which is a slim girl. I recall scanning over dozens of illustrations of girls in these puberty manuals and can still count the number of girls illustrated that do not fit the standard of the “thin ideal” that the media commonly portrays. I also noted that diverse racial representation is clear, though, funnily enough most, if not all, educational diagrams/tip guides are mainly white girls (e.g. breast development, tampon insertion in original books.)
I will proceed to summarize how girls who do not fit the “thin ideal” are shown in The Care and Keeping of You series. A critique that I have is the difference in illustrating bodies in the original and more recent publications of The Care and Keeping of You. In the “Shapes and Sizes” section, the original provides a more realistic idea of what it looks like to weigh more than your peers by illustrating more rounded curves that are very loosely drawn. This is depicted by three girls wearing unitards and practicing ballet. The more recent publication for younger girls, however, shows two distinct issues. Perhaps, it is the result of the illustration style that was preferred by American Girl’s brand, as to avoid sexualization (which I strongly disagree with). The newest publication for young girls is drawn with very subtle strokes that do not emphasize any bodily differences except for some slight increase in mass. I would argue that it makes it more difficult to tell the difference between body types and show representation; which I presume to be counterproductive for the modes of inclusivity.
In my perspective, ridding of the features that make a girl’s natural body hold more weight in defining places via certain features, like curves, rolls, etc., could have shown a more realistic and accepting representation of girls’ bodies. Another image that I noticed is one of the minimal depictions of girls who weigh more than the thin ideal, that was highlighted in the “Body Image” and “Eating Disorder” sections of the manual, mention anorexia nervosa on page 62 of the original book and page 66 of the manual for older girls. Blazek et al.’s (2022) thematic analysis note that “During puberty, the ratio of body fat to muscle increases in response to the body’s basal metabolism rate (BMR) decreasing by roughly 15% (Steinberg, 2019), and it should be noted gender plays a substantial role in BMR in adolescence, with girls having a lower BMR (Lazzer et al., 2010).” Therefore, the multitude of girls illustrated merely showcasing the ideal body type, when most girls probably aren’t experiencing that, works as hegemonic propaganda for the perpetuation of girls’ body image issues. Blazek et al.’s (2022) thematic analysis of girls and puberty education media also implies that utilizing a critical ethnographic perspective tied in with sociocultural theories, which are considerably popular when analyzing body image issues, is essential to more inclusive renditions of girls and girlhood. It’s a shame that one of the few times a girl who can represent so many other girls isn't shown as much as the slim girls, especially during a time when girls’ bodies are changing so drastically. Is this not about puberty?
The physical appearance of girls remains to be an area of open criticism for all people, not just girls. Adult-centric content is created for girls yet, is made by adults. I strongly believe that the guidance of adults should be present, in terms of accuracy of the information and life experience telltales, though, determining what is digestible for girls should be emphasized by girls’ discourse and curiosities. With the physicalities of girls’ development and maturation comes the sexualization that hegemony fears, thus, speaking around very informative and educational content for girls as they grow in their sexual maturity. American Girl’s brand is rooted in the production of things for girls without a focus on sexuality. Lauren De La Cruz pronounces that “innocence and sexuality cannot co-exist in this formulation–adults must protect girls from sexuality to ensure their innocence” (p. 199).
I would say that this keeps girls in a place where they still have to go find external resources to better understand themselves and other girls. Hasinoff’s (2014) article exclaims that “sexualization positions girls as both its victims and its agents. As for the former, sexualization is thought to take away girls’ agency by undermining their capacity to make authentic, healthy, self-determined choices about their gender and sexual embodiment. At the same time, sexualization also posits that girls are agents in that their choices and actions have an effect on others and society in general” (p. 103). Ultimately, this narrative tells us that girls are to blame even when they aren’t to blame. It’s mind-boggling in the extremest forms. For one, girls are to maintain innocence throughout their sexual maturation without leading knowledge on their curiosities, because this perhaps would intimidate adults about talking about the “adult stuff,” yet, would it not allow for a more intimate or freeing connection between adults and their children? Would it not create more healthy relationships if adults were able to summarize these points instead of beating around the bush, out of their fears: an informed child who can make better decisions with such information–perhaps, undermine their own authority/knowledge?
Oftentimes, when discussing maturation, age is a factor that is commonly mentioned as a frame of reference. What has been historically misunderstood in girlhood studies, and academic studies, in general, is the point in which an individual is no longer a girl and is now a woman. I would argue that this is not always liminal, as it is very unclear to distinctly determine when someone is no longer a child (outside of age-based standards) or if they are even given the space to be a child. Many of the girls whose voices go unheard have experienced situations where they are technically a child if referring to the definition of a minor,–a girl–and is not always treated as such. Brown speaks about this particular phenomenon with Black girls. Brown’s book demonstrates how “Black women and girls have historically used illocutionary force to make their voices heard, more often than not, they were ignored and silenced (Pough, 2004, p. 45)” (p. 184). Black girls don’t always have the liberty of identifying as a child and being treated like one.
An example of this is the common early maturation and sexualization that African American girls are likely to experience throughout their puberty development in adolescence. Research shows that on average, African American girls are likely to experience puberty at earlier ages than their peers in other racial and ethnic groups (Herman-Giddens et al., 1997; Rosenfield et al., 2000; Talpade, 2006; Talpade, 2008) and may grow at a faster rate than their White counterparts (Salsberry, Reagan, & Pajer, 2009) (Akani, 2016, p. 5). So, it’s likely that Black girls get their puberty faster than their ethnic/racial counterparts and experience sexual maturation faster, as well. This means that a “concern for early maturing girls, in general, is that this precocious sexual development may lead to sooner societal sexualization of these girls (Brown, Halpern, & L’Engle, 2005; Roberts, 2013) (Akani, 2016, p. 6). What exactly does that mean for Black girls, then? If we’re following hegemonic ideals, then should they not be protected even more?
To conclude, knowledge is a driving factor for why many people choose the decisions that they make, and educating girls on these very impactful moments of girlhood could go such a long way. Without gearing informational puberty books to fit a certain “appropriate” image–room for growth between differing generations remains. By inviting girls and adults to the same table we can create less embarrassment and anxiety around topics that may impact girls’ self-esteem instead of adding gasoline to the cyclical fire of gaslighting girls’ self-esteem for profit.
References
Akani, B. (2016). Portrayals of Black Girls in Books on Puberty for Girls (thesis). Retrieved May 11, 2022, from
https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/Portrayals-of-Black-Girls-in-Books-on-Puberty-f or-Akani/7296c6a30d76c040943b952b7e3c97c2cd13319a.
Banet-Weiser, S. (2014). Am I pretty or ugly? girls and the market for self-esteem. Girlhood Studies, 7(1). https://doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2014.070107
Blazek, J. L., Saint Arnault, D. M., & Carter, R. (2022). Breasts, butts, and thighs—oh my!
weight spurt and body image messages in girls’ puberty books. Journal of Adolescent Research, 074355842210760. https://doi.org/10.1177/07435584221076052
Brown, R. N. (2014). More than Sass or Silence " The Creative Potential of Black Girlhood. In
Hear our truths the creative potential of Black Girlhood. essay, Project Muse.
Clasen, T., Hassel, H., & De La Cruz, L. (2017). Growing up Girl A Rhetoric of Restrained
Empowerment in American Girl's Self-Help Books about Puberty. In Gender(ed) identities: Critical rereadings of gender in children's and Young Adult literature. essay, Routledge.
Hasinoff, A. A. (2014). Blaming sexualization for sexting. Girlhood Studies, 7(1). https://doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2014.070108
Kearney, M. C. (2007). Productive spaces. Journal of Children and Media, 1(2), 126–141. https://doi.org/10.1080/17482790701339126